Middle Adulthood: Generativity, Intelligence, Work, and Personality

According to Erikson (1950, 1982) generativity is the central developmental task of middle adulthood. It focuses on concern for the next generation, stewardship, guardianship, provision of guidance, productivity, procreativity, and passing on cultural and family traditions. Legacy writ large. This stage includes the creation and support of "new beings," like children, students, or apprentices, new ideas or creations that benefit society, and lasting contributions, as well as "self-generation" designed to further renewal and growth of one's own purpose and identity. Note that generativity is not about fame, personal glory, or power; instead it reaches toward a sense of meaning and purpose.

Erikson believed that the years of middle adulthood, during which one moves out into the world, establishes a family, career, and place in the community, are the stage for the developmental task of generativity. In addition to being parents and working, adults in midlife may increasingly take on tasks like mentoring, teaching, coaching, volunteering, social activism, or taking leadership in church or other community organizations. These provide opportunities to nurture and invest in the next generation. The opposite of generativity is stagnation, where adults become more self-absorbed and can feel dissatisfied, unneeded, resentful, purposeless, or stuck. A sense of stagnation occurs when one is not socially well integrated or active in generative matters, so these feelings can motivate us to redirect our energies into more meaningful activities.

As you might expect, people rated as more generative possess many other positive characteristics, including good cultural knowledge, healthy adaptation to the world, and positive Big 5 personality traits, like conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and openness to experience. People rated high in generativity at midlife also seem to be reaping benefits from those commitments and actions. For example, women higher in generativity also reported greater satisfaction with marriage and motherhood, and men showed higher cognitive functioning and less depression. Highly generative men and women both reported greater wellbeing, optimism and hope, sense of purpose, and personal growth.

The empirical picture studies have painted about developmental trends in generativity is somewhat more surprising. Researchers expected average levels of generativity to rise from early to mid adulthood, and then decline starting at age 60 or so. Indeed, both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies suggest an increasing interest in and commitment to generative activities (like mentoring and community service) starting in early middle age (age 40 or so). However, up to now, no evidence has been found for declines in generativity starting with or across late life (ages 60+). Instead generativity seems relatively stable. Also interesting-- although young adults do not seem to be as focused on generativity as middle aged and older adults, they still seem to benefit from generative activities as much as adults later in life, meaning that young adults with higher levels of generativity also showed the positive consequences described above, such as wellbeing and sense of purpose.

Erikson (1982) suggested that as older individuals reach the end of this demanding stage, they may withdraw from such commitments, because generativity is no longer expected in late adulthood. This releases elders from the tasks of caretaking and working. However, if older people do not feel needed or challenged, this may result in stagnation. So it may be that continued generativity, although it may take other forms than actively parenting children or paid work, can still be rewarding. Such activities may also build a bridge to late adulthood that feels rich and meaningful.

Challenges at Midlife

There are many socioemotional changes that occur in how middle-aged adults perceive themselves. While people in their early 20s may emphasize how old they are to gain respect or to be viewed as experienced, by the time people reach their 40s they tend to emphasize how young they are. For instance, few 40-year olds cut each other down for being too young stating: "You're only 43? I'm 48!” A previous focus on the future gives way to an emphasis on the present.

Neugarten (1968) notes that in midlife many people experience a shift in time perspective, or how the passage of time is perceived. About the age of 50, many people no longer think of their lives in terms of how long they have lived (or years since birth). Rather, life is thought of in terms of how many years are left (years remaining until death). This shift can encourage adults to think carefully about what they want to do with their remaining time, and make sure the they are living out their genuine goals and priorities.

Myth of the Midlife Crisis

Daniel Levinson’s 1978 book entitled The Seasons of a Man’s Life presented a theory of development in adulthood. Levinson’s work was based on in-depth interviews with 40 men between the ages of 35-45. Levinson (1978) indicated that adults go through stages and have an image of the future that motivates them. This image is called “the dream” and for the men he interviewed, it was a dream of how their career paths would progress and where they would be at midlife.

According to Levinson, the midlife transition (40-45) was a time of reevaluating previous commitments; making dramatic changes if necessary; giving expression to previously ignored talents or aspirations; and feeling more of a sense of urgency about life and its meaning. By the time these men entered middle adulthood (45-50), they generally had committed to the new choices they made and channeled their energies into these commitments.

Levinson believed that a midlife crisis was a normal part of development as the person is more aware of how much time has gone by and how much time is left. The future focus of early adulthood gives way to an emphasis on the present in midlife, and the men interviewed had difficulty reconciling the “dream” they held about the future with the reality they currently experienced. Consequently, they felt impatient and were no longer willing to postpone the things they had always wanted to do.

Although Levinson argued that his study demonstrated that a midlife crisis was a standard (normative) step during this age period, this work has been criticized for its scope and methodology, including its focus on men only, its small and highly selected sample, narrow age range, and concerns about a cohort effect. In fact, much other research does not support his theory of the midlife crisis.

Vaillant (2012) argued that it was the cross-sectional design of Levinson’s study that led to the erroneous conclusion of an inevitable midlife crisis. Instead, he believed that the longitudinal study of an individual’s entire life was needed to determine the factors associated with optimum health and potential. Vaillant was one of the main researchers in the 75 year long Harvard Study of Adult Development, and he considered a midlife crisis to be a rare occurrence among the participants (Vaillant, 1977, 2024). Additional findings of this longitudinal study will be discussed in the next chapter on late adulthood.

Most research suggests that the majority of people in the United States today do not experience a midlife crisis. Results of a 10-year longitudinal study conducted by the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Midlife Development, based on telephone interviews with over 3,000 midlife adults, suggest that the years between 40 and 60 are typically marked by a sense of well-being. Only 23% of their participants reported experiencing a midlife crisis. The crisis tended to occur among highly educated men and was typically triggered by a major life event rather than out of a fear of aging (Research Network on Successful Midlife Development, 2007). Instead, many middle aged adults reflected and reevaluated their lives and priorities as they were unfolding, and made either smaller course corrections or bigger decisions (changing jobs, going back to school, moving to a new geographical location) without experiencing these new directions and transitions as stemming from a crisis.

Intelligence in Middle Adulthood

Just as in other domains, research on the development of the brain during midlife lags behind the study of brain development during other age periods. A great deal is known, for example, about stability and decline in brain functioning during old age, when changes are more pronounced. However, researchers note that the effectiveness of interventions during old age, after loss in brain functioning has already occurred, may be limited .

Hence, neuroscientists have recently focused much more attention on the middle-aged brain and come to the conclusion that midlife could well mark a shift in brain aging (Dohm-Hansen et al., 2024). They argue that middle age can be considered a potential turning point in brain development, meaning that what happens during this age period can have a big impact on brain health and cognitive impairment into old age. Midlife therefore may offer an excellent window for efforts to promote brain development, since most neurological systems are still functioning well at this age, at the same time that the brain itself is still malleable and open to influence, including neurogenesis, or the generation of new neurons.

In fact, the brain at midlife has been shown to not only maintain many of the abilities of young adults, but also gain new ones. Some individuals in middle age actually have improved cognitive functioning (Dohm-Hansen et al., 2024; Phillips, 2011). The brain continues to demonstrate plasticity and rewires itself in middle age based on activities and experiences. Research has demonstrated that older adults use more of their brains than younger adults. In fact, older adults who perform the best on tasks are more likely to demonstrate bilateralization than those who perform worst. Additionally, the amount of white matter in the brain, which is responsible for forming connections among neurons, increases into the 50s and, for some people, maybe beyond.

Recent neuroscience evidence shows that there is a great deal of variety in functional brain age in midlife. For example, in a study that used artificial intelligence to estimate brain age from information provided by brain scans (Elliot et al., 2021), researchers found that among their 869 study participants, all of whom were exactly the same age (45 years old), their estimated brain ages ranged widely-- from 24 to 72 years! As a result, researchers have been very interested in identifying interventions in midlife that can boost brain functioning in order to prevent neurodegeneration in later life (Won et al., 2025).

As you can imagine, many of the same recommendations made to promote healthy aging in general, are now considered to be as (or more) important to follow in middle age. These include so called "lifestyle" factors, such as exercise, sleep, healthy diet, and stress management, in addition to attending to medical issues, like lowering blood pressure and cholesterol, and treating obesity and diabetes (Ai et al., 2024; Dohm-Hansen et al., 2024; Won et al., 2025). Of course it is also important to have fun and stay mentally and socially active as well.

 

These differential changes in crystallized versus fluid intelligence help explain why older adults, although they show poorer memory overall, do not necessarily show poorer performance on tasks that also require experience (i.e., crystallized intelligence). A young chess player may think more quickly, for instance, but a more experienced chess player has more knowledge to draw upon.

Seattle Longitudinal Study

The Seattle Longitudinal Study has tracked the cognitive abilities of adults for over 70 years, since 1956. Every seven years the current participants are evaluated, and new individuals are also added. Approximately 6000 people have participated thus far, with 26 people from the original group participating for over 50 years. Although there is a lot of rank-oder stability in most aspects of cognition over middle adulthood (Breit et al., 2024), current results demonstrate that middle-aged adults perform better on four out of six cognitive tasks than those same individuals did when they were young adults. Verbal memory, spatial skills, inductive reasoning (generalizing from particular examples), and vocabulary increase with age until one’s 70s (Schaie, 2005; Willis & Shaie, 1999). In contrast, perceptual speed declines starting in early adulthood, and numerical computation shows declines starting in middle and late adulthood (see Figure 9.3).

Cognitive skills in the aging brain have been studied extensively in particular groups, like airplane pilots, and similar to the Seattle Longitudinal Study results, older pilots show declines in processing speed and memory capacity, but their overall performance seems to remain intact. According to Phillips (2011) researchers tested pilots age 40 to 69 as they performed on flight simulators. Older pilots took longer to learn to use the simulators but subsequently performed better than younger pilots at avoiding collisions.

Tacit knowledge also increases with age (Hedlund, Antonakis, & Sternberg, 2002). Tacit knowledge is knowledge that is pragmatic or practical and learned through experience rather than explicitly taught. Tacit knowledge might be thought of as "know-how" or "professional instinct." It is referred to as tacit because it cannot be codified or written down. It does not involve academic knowledge, rather it involves being able to use skills and to problem-solve in practical ways. Tacit knowledge can be seen clearly in the workplace and underlies the steady improvements in job performance documented across age and experience, as seen for example, in the performance of both white and blue collar workers, such as carpenters, chefs, and hair dressers.

Middle Adults Returning to College 

Midlife adults in the United States often find themselves in university classrooms. In fact, the rate of enrollment for older Americans entering college, often part-time or in the evenings, is rising faster than that of traditionally aged students. Students over age 35 are a substantial and growing segment of the college population, accounting for about 15-20% of undergraduates and graduate students. In some cases, older students are developing skills and expertise in order to launch a second career, or to take their career in a new direction. Whether they enroll in school to sharpen particular skills, to retool and reenter the workplace, or to pursue interests that have previously been neglected, older students tend to approach the learning process differently than younger college students, with higher motivation and better time management and organizational skills (Knowles, Holton, & Swanson, 1998).

Older and returning  students sometimes notice they are learning in different ways than they did when they were in their late teens and early 202. For example, the mechanics of cognition, such as working memory and speed of processing, gradually decline with age. However, these abilities can be easily compensated for through the use of higher order cognitive skills, such as forming strategies to enhance memory or summarizing and comparing ideas rather than relying on rote memorization (Lachman, 2004). Although older students may take a bit longer to learn material, they often understand it more deeply, and are less likely to forget it as quickly. Adult learners tend to look for relevance and meaning when learning information. Older adults have the hardest time learning material that is meaningless or unfamiliar. They are more likely to ask themselves, "Why is this important?" when being introduced to information or when trying to memorize concepts or facts.

Older adults are more task-oriented learners and want to organize their activity around problem-solving or making contributions to real world issues. Rubin et al. (2018) surveyed university students aged 17-70 regarding their satisfaction and approach to learning in college. Results indicated that older students were more independent, inquisitive, and intrinsically motivated compared to younger students. Additionally, older women processed information at a deeper learning level and expressed more satisfaction with their education. Just as at younger ages, during middle adulthood, more women than men are likely to attend and graduate from college.

To address the educational needs of those over 50, The American Association of Community Colleges (2016) developed the Plus 50 Initiative. This initiative assists community colleges in creating or expanding programs that focus on workforce training and new careers for the plus-50 population. Since 2008 the program has provided grants for programs in 138 community colleges affecting over 37, 000 students. The participating colleges offer workforce training programs that prepare 50 plus adults for careers such as early childhood educators, certified nursing assistants, substance abuse counselors, adult basic education instructors, and human resources specialists. These training programs are especially beneficial because 80% of people over the age of 50 say they will retire later in life than their parents or continue to work in retirement, including work in a new field.

 

Creativity

Erikson defined the developmental task of generativity as one that included creativity. But what is creativity? Better yet, what do you think creativity is? Perhaps take a second and reflect on cultural monuments, architecture, artworks, music, theatre, and literature. Take the Mona Lisa and then compare it to the Starry Night, in the figure below. What do these pieces of art have in common? What makes them expressions of creativity?

 

There are many definitions of creativity, both scientific and non-scientific. Franken (2001) defines creativity as “the tendency to generate or recognize ideas, alternatives, or possibilities that may be useful in solving problems… and entertaining ourselves and others.”

Psychologists who study creativity largely agree on three components. First, creativity involves a great deal of divergent thinking, that is, the ability to look at things from different perspectives. Secondly, creativity involves a unique perspective or some element of originality. Finally, creativity must have functionality in that a creative work serves some function or some value. While paintings such as the Mona Lisa and Starry Night both display various degrees of originality and divergent thinking, their functionality is not pragmatic (like an architectural design) artistic-- they inform us about the human condition and allow us to see things from the artist's perspective.

The Creative Process

Aside from the elements of creativity, researchers are also interested in the creative process. There are four steps to this process that are generally agreed upon.

1. First is the period of preparation, that is, the conscious and effortful practice of studying and gathering information on a creative endeavor.
2. A second step is the incubation period; a largely unconscious process whereby the mind makes new connections and processes knowledge ‘behind the scenes.’
3. A third step is illumination, or the ‘Aha!’ moment, that is, an insight generated from conscious and unconscious processes.
4. Finally, revision refers to the part of the processes whereby a creative work is revisited before it is finalized in order to ensure it accomplishes its original goals.

Development of Creativity

Developmental scientists have found common trajectories in the development of creativity. Generally, we see creativity increase into the 30’s and middle adulthood, as we are developing expertise, motivation, and cognition. This is not to say that creative output follows the same patterns across all fields of work and study. In mathematics heavy disciplines, for example, creativity generally peaks soon after formal training and at a very young age. This makes sense when we consider the early decreases in working memory capacity and processing speed, which are two components of math heavy work such as physics and engineering.

Developmental trajectories of creativity in mathematics are very different from those in fields such as the humanities, social sciences, and the arts, where we find that creativity often peaks later in life, as more life experience and knowledge accumulate. Nevertheless, typical trajectories for the development of creativity are just that – average experiences. This is not to say that there are not exceptions to these rules. For example, engineers such as Elon Musk make some of their most creative contributions later in life, whereas social scientists, such as Jean Piaget, made contributions to their fields at exceedingly early ages. As with most areas of development, the study of creativity is not without its mysteries and there is much room for theoretical development and empirical study.

Work and Careers in Middle Adulthood

For many people, midlife is an age period that is heavily focused on work and progress in a career or careers. Expertise refers to specialized skills and knowledge that pertain to a particular topic or activity. In contrast, a novice is someone who has limited experiences with a particular task. Everyone develops some level of “selective” expertise in vocational activities or other areas that are personally meaningful to them, such as making bread, quilting, gardening, computer programming, or caring for children. Expert thought is often characterized as intuitive, automatic, strategic, and flexible.

• Intuitive. Novices follow specific steps and rules when problem solving, whereas experts can call upon a vast amount of knowledge and past experience. As a result, their actions appear more intuitive than formulaic. Novice cooks may carefully follow the recipe step by step, while chefs may glance at recipes for ideas and then follow their own path.
• Automatic. Complex thoughts and actions become more routine for experts. Their reactions appear instinctive over time, and this is because expertise allows us to process information faster and more holistically and effectively (Crawford & Channon, 2002).
• Strategic. Experts have more effective strategies than non-experts. For instance, while both skilled and novice doctors generate several hypotheses within minutes of an encounter with a patient, the more skilled clinicians’ conclusions are likely to be more accurate. In other words, they generate better hypotheses than the novice. This is because they are able to discount misleading symptoms and other distractors and hone in on the most likely problem the patient is experiencing (Norman, 2005).

Consider how your note taking skills may have changed after being in school over a number of years. Chances are you do not write down everything the instructor says, but instead extract and note the most central ideas. You may have even come up with your own short forms for commonly mentioned words in a course, allowing you to take down notes faster and more efficiently than someone who may be a novice academic note taker.

• Flexible. Experts in all fields are more curious and creative. They enjoy a challenge and experiment with new ideas or procedures. The only way for experts to grow in their knowledge is to take on more challenging, rather than routine tasks.

Gaining Expertise

Developing expertise takes time. It is a long process, resulting from repeated experience and protracted practice (Ericsson, Feltovich, & Prietula, 2006). Middle aged adults have a certain advantage in that respect, because they may have been working in a particular job for quite a while, which allows them to accumulate expertise. When they are faced with a problem, middle-aged adults often find that, with their store of knowledge and experience, they have encountered something similar before. This allows them to ignore the irrelevant and focus on the important aspects of the issue. The development of expertise is one reason why many people often reach the top of their careers in middle adulthood.

However, expertise cannot fully make-up for every loss in cognitive functioning as we age. The superior performance of older adults in comparison to younger novices appears to be task specific (Charness & Krampe, 2006). As we age, we also need to be more deliberate in our practice of skills in order to maintain them. Charness and Krampe (2006) in their review of the literature on aging and expertise, also note that the rate of return for our effort diminishes as we age. In other words, increasing practice does not produce the same improvements in performance in older adults as similar efforts do at younger ages.

Climate in the Workplace for Middle-aged Adults 

A number of studies have found that job satisfaction tends to be quite high in middle adulthood, typically peaking at that age (Besen, Matz-Costa, Brown, Smyer, & Pitt-Catsouphers, 2013; Easterlin, 2006). This satisfaction stems not only from higher wages, but also often from greater involvement in decisions that affect the workplace as middle aged adults move up from worker to supervisor or manager. Job satisfaction is also influenced by being able to do the job well, and after years of experience at a job many people are more effective and productive. Another reason for this peak in job satisfaction is that at midlife many adults have accommodated to their current situation, by lowering their expectations and goals (Tangri, Thomas, & Mednick, 2003). Middle-aged employees may realize that they have arrived at the highest level they are likely to reach in their career. This satisfaction at work translates into lower absenteeism, greater productivity, and less job hopping in comparison to younger adults (Easterlin, 2006).

However, not all middle-aged adults are happy in the workplace. Women may find themselves bumping up against the glass ceiling. This may explain why females employed at large corporations are twice as likely to quit their jobs as are men (Barreto, Ryan, & Schmitt, 2009). Another problem older workers may encounter is job burnout, defined as prolonged excessive workplace stress that outstrips an individual's resources to manage it (World Health Organization, 2019). Burnout consists of:

• Feelings of energy depletion or exhaustion
• Increased mental distance from one’s job, or feelings of job negativism or cynicism
• Reduced feelings of professional effectiveness or efficacy

American workers may experience burnout more often than workers in other developed nations, because most developed nations guarantee by law a set number of paid vacation days (International Labour Organization, ILO, 2011), whereas the United States does not (U.S. Department of Labor, 2016).

In addition, in comparision to workers in many other developed nations, American workers work more hours per year (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD, 2016). Not all employees in the US are covered under overtime pay laws (U.S. Department of Labor, 2016).

This is important when you consider that the 40-hour work week is a myth for most Americans. Only 4 in 10 U.S. workers work the typical 40-hour work week. The average work week for many is almost a full day longer (47 hours), with 39% working 50 or more hours per week (Saad, 2014). As can be seen in Figure 9.5, Americans work more hours than most European nations, especially western and northern Europe, although they work fewer hours than workers in other nations, especially Mexico.

Challenges in the Workplace for Middle-aged Adults

In recent years middle aged adults have been challenged by economic downturns, starting in 2001, and again in 2008 and 2020. During the recession of 2008, fifty-five percent of adults reported some problems in the workplace, such as fewer hours, pay-cuts, having to switch to part-time, and so on. (Pew Research Center, 2010a). While young adults took the biggest hit in terms of levels of unemployment, middle-aged adults also saw their overall financial resources depleted as their retirement nest eggs disappeared and house values shrank, while foreclosures increased (Pew Research Center, 2010b). Not surprisingly, this age group, especially those age 50-64, reported that the recession hit them harder than it did other age groups.

Unemployment also takes on its own meaning in midlife. Middle-aged adults who find themselves unemployed are likely to remain so longer than those in early adulthood (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2012). Agism is a common complaint in the workplace. For example, in the eyes of employers, it may seem more cost effective to fire older workers first or to hire a young adult, despite their limited experience, since they would be starting out at lower levels on the pay scale. In addition, hiring someone who is 25 and has many years of work ahead of them versus someone who is 55 and will likely retire in 10 years may also be part of the decision to hire a younger worker (Lachman, 2004).

It may surprise employers to learn that older workers typically stay on the job longer, as younger workers are more geographically mobile and more likely to switch jobs as more attractive opportunities appear. Older adults also demonstrate lower rates of absenteeism and greater investment in their work. American workers are also competing with global markets and changes in technology. Those who are able to keep up with all these changes or are willing to uproot and move around the country or even the world have a better chance of finding work. The decision to move may be easier for people who are younger and have fewer obligations to others.

Personality Development

As you may remember from the chapter on infancy, temperament is defined as a set of innate characteristics of the infant, including mood, activity level, and emotional reactivity, noticeable soon after birth. Does one’s temperament remain stable through the lifespan? Do shy and inhibited babies grow up to be shy adults, while the sociable child continues to be the life of the party? Like most developmental research the answer is more complicated than a simple "yes" or "no."

Chess and Thomas (1987), who classified children as easy, difficult, or slow-to-warm-up, found that children identified as easy were more likely to grow up to became well-adjusted adults, while those who exhibited a difficult temperament were not as likely to become well-adjusted as adults.

Kagan (2002) studied the temperamental category of "inhibition to the unfamiliar" in young children. Inhibited infants exposed to unfamiliar places or events reacted strongly to the stimuli and cried loudly, pumped their limbs, and had an increased heart rate. Research has indicated that these highly reactive children show temperamental stability into early childhood, and Bohlin and Hagekull (2009) found that shyness in infancy was linked to social anxiety in adulthood. An important aspect of the research on inhibition involved looking at the response of the amygdala, which is important for fear and anxiety, especially when confronted with possible threatening environmental events. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRIs) researchers examined young adults who had been identified as strongly inhibited when they were toddlers. They showed heightened activation of the amygdala when compared to those identified as uninhibited when toddlers (Davidson & Begley, 2012).

This research, and the neurobiological basis of temperament, does seem to indicate that temperamental stability holds for many individuals through the lifespan, yet we know that the environment can also have a significant impact. Recall from our discussion on epigenesis that environmental factors modify gene expression by switching genes on and off. Many cultural and environmental factors can affect one’s temperament, including  exposure to teratogens in utero, early exposure to harsh parenting, adversity, or child abuse, supportive child-rearing, stable homes, illnesses, socioeconomic status, cultural preferences for particular characteristics, etc.

Active Individuals

Additionally, individuals are active in shaping the development of their personalities. People often choose environments that align with their temperaments, which in turn further strengthens them (Cain, 2012). For example, people with high openness to new experience may be more likely to seek out novel experiences or exciting jobs, which can then strengthen their openness. Individuals are also active in other ways.

As they get older, adults can choose how they wish to express their temperaments, deciding for example, that they will not let an inhibited temperament stop them from experiencing adventures, such as travel. In summary, because temperament is neurophysiological, biology appears to be a main reason why temperament remains stable into adulthood. In contrast, the environment appears mainly responsible for changes or modifications in temperament (Clark & Watson, 1999).

Five-Factor Model of Personality

Everyone has their own unique personality, that is, their characteristic manner of thinking, feeling, behaving, and relating to others (John, Robins, & Pervin, 2008). Personality traits refer to these characteristic, routine ways of thinking, feeling, and relating to others. Personality integrates one’s temperament with cultural and environmental influences. Consequently, there are signs or indicators of these traits in childhood, but they become particularly evident when the person is an adult. Personality traits are integral to each person’s sense of self, as they involve what people value, how they think and feel about things, what they like to do, and, basically, what they are like most every day throughout much of their lives.

There are hundreds of different personality traits, and many of them can be organized into the broad dimensions referred to as the Five-Factor Model (John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008). These five broad domains include: Openness to new experience, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism. (You can use "OCEAN" as a mnemonic to remember them.) This applies to traits that you may use to describe yourself.

Table 9.1 Descriptions of the Big Five Personality Traits

Dimension	Description	Examples of behaviors predicted by the trait
Openness to experience	A general appreciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual ideas, imagination, curiosity, and variety of experience.	Individuals who are highly open to experience tend to have distinctive and unconventional decorations in their home. They are also likely to have books on a wide variety of topics, a diverse music collection, and works of art on display.
Conscientiousness	A tendency to show self- discipline, act dutifully, and aim for achievement.	Individuals who are conscientious have a preference for planned rather than spontaneous behavior.
Extraversion	The tendency to experience positive emotions and to seek out stimulation and the company of others.	Extroverts enjoy being with people. In groups they like to talk, assert themselves, and draw attention to themselves.
Agreeableness	A tendency to be compassionate and cooperative rather than suspicious and antagonistic toward others; reflects individual differences in general concern for social harmony.	Agreeable individuals value getting along with others. They are generally considerate, friendly, generous, helpful, and willing to compromise their interests with those of others.
Neuroticism	The tendency to experience negative emotions, such as anger, anxiety, or depression; sometimes called “emotional instability.”	Those who score high in neuroticism are more likely to interpret ordinary situations as threatening and minor frustrations as hopelessly difficult. They may have trouble thinking clearly, making decisions, and coping effectively with stress.

adapted from Lally & Valentine-French (2019) and John, Naumann, & Soto (2008)

Does personality change throughout adulthood?

Previously researchers argued that the answer was "no"-- personality is a set of "traits," so of course they are stable (Costa & McCrae, 1982, 2014). However, contemporary research shows patterns of change and stability, as well as a great deal of variation in personality development over adulthood, meaning that although some people’s personalities are relatively stable over time, others are not (Ardelt, 2000; Bleidorn et al., 2022; Brandt et al., 2023; Haan et al., 1986; Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008).

Longitudinal studies reveal typical patterns of both changes and stabilities during adulthood in the expression of the big five personality traits:

• Average improvements in agreeableness and conscientiousness.
• Average declines in neuroticism and increases in its opposite, emotional stability.
• Relative stability in extraversion and openness to new experience.
• Big  individual differences in these patterns, due to specific experiences and life events (e.g., divorce, illness).

Longitudinal research also suggests that adult personality traits, such as conscientiousness, predict important life outcomes including job success, health, and longevity (Friedman et al., 1993; Roberts, Kuncel, Shiner, Caspi, & Goldberg, 2007). For example, research in the Harvard Health Letter (2012) documents  correlations between conscientiousness and many positive health outcomes, such as lower blood pressure, lower rates of diabetes and stroke, fewer joint problems, being less likely to engage in harmful behaviors, and being more likely to stick to healthy behaviors and avoid stressful situations. Conscientiousness also appears positively related to career choices, friendships, and stability of marriage. Lastly, a person possessing both self-control and organizational skills, both of which are related to conscientiousness, may withstand the effects of aging better and have stronger cognitive skills than one who does not possess these qualities.

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Supplemental Materials

• This Ted Talk discusses how working-class people can organize and own the businesses they work for, making decisions for themselves and enjoying the fruits of their labor.

• This Ted Talk discusses ways to cultivate inclusion and encourage diversity in the workplace.

• This podcast interviews Dr. Pauline Boss on her concept of ambiguous loss.

https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/pauline-boss-navigating-loss-without-closure/id150892556?i=1000485211124

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OER Attribution:

"Lifespan Development: A Psychological Perspective, Second Edition" by Martha Lally and Suzanne Valentine-French is licensed under a CC-BY-NC-SA-3.0

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When workers own companies, the economy is more resilient by TED is licensed CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0

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